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Hinduism

CHAPTER 2

Vedic Religion

In This Chapter

The Aryan religious heritage leaves an indelible

imprint on the character of Hinduism. Its character

is most evident in Vedic religious literature,

beliefs, and practices, which are explored here.

The various genres of Vedic religious texts, such

as their hymn collections, ritual manuals, and

works of speculative philosophy are characterized,

as are works on health and astrology. The

chapter presents close examinations of certain

Vedic rituals, some of which are humanity’s oldest

enduring rites, and discusses the nature of

important Vedic deities. The crucially significant

conception of the Vedic Absolute, or the One, is

also introduced here, as is its relationship to the

pervasive notion of sacrifice.

Main Topics Covered

The Vedic Sa.hitas

Vedic Deities

.ta and Cosmic Order

The Brahma.as

Vedic Rituals

Case Study: The asvamedha

Case Study: The agnicayana

Soma

The Ara.yakas

The Upani.ads

Atman and Brahman

Sruti and Sm.ti

Other Vedic literature

Astrology

Ayurveda

Contents | Chapter 2: Start | End | Glossary

The Vedic Sa.hitas

The most highly regarded literary works of the

Aryans are hymns in praise (.g) of various deities.

Many of these hymns were chanted during

a New Year festival centered on a ritual to

prepare, offer, and imbibe a sacred beverage,

Soma. The oldest collection (sa.hita) is the .g

Veda Sa.hita which consists of over 1000 hymns

arranged in 10 books known as ma..alas. Scholars

who have scrutinized this collection surmise

that the first and last of these ma..alas were

among the last to be added to the collection. So,

despite the antiquity of the .g Veda Sa.hita,

there appear to be discernable stages in its compilation.

The exact dates of its composition are

still debated, with some proponents postulating

dates as early as 5000 BCE or even earlier, while

more conservative scholarly estimates suggest

that the .g Veda Sa.hita reached its final form

by about 300 BCE. A prevailing number of estimates

suggest a date of about 1000 BCE. There

are Hittite-Mitanni treaty tablets from the region

of modern Iraq, dated at about 1400 BCE, which

mention the Vedic gods Indra, Mitra, and Varu.a,

suggesting that portions of the .g Veda Sa.hita

were composed at about the same time. In the

ensuing centuries two other Sa.hitas were produced.

These were the Sama Veda Sa.hita and

the Yajur Veda Sa.hita, which together with

the .g Veda constituted early orthodox Aryan

scripture. The Sama Veda mostly contains verses

from the .g Veda and presents these in a

form to be chanted (saman) by udgat.s, a special

class of priests, during the sacrificial offerings

of Soma (a sacred plant) in Vedic rituals. The

Yajur Veda consists of verse prayers (yajus), also

mostly drawn from the .g Veda, to be learned

by adhvaryus, priests who performed the main

elements of Vedic rituals, such as the construction

of the fire-altars, and so on. It also contains

prose instructions on how to perform rituals such

as the horse-sacrifice. The Yajur Veda Sa.hita

exists in two recensions, popularly known as the

Black and the White Yajur Vedas. The Black Yajur

Veda or Taittiriya Sa.hita is challenging to deci

pher because of the arrangement of its contents.

By contrast, the White Yajur Veda or Vajasaneyi

Sa.hita, which contains essentially the same

material, is more accessible in its structure.

An examination of these three Vedic Sa.hitas

reveals a progressive development in Vedic ritual

art, with greater specialization on the part

of priests (e.g., udgat., adhvaryu) entrusted

with particular duties in the performance of

rites. Geographical references suggest a movement

from the regions around the Indus to the

Ga.ga river basin, leading to postulations that

the Aryans migrated from the northwest of the

Indian peninsula to the east and south. These

movements resulted in interactions with the local

cultures whose religious beliefs and styles

were partially assimilated into the compositions

of the Sa.hitas and the rituals that accompanied

them. The Sa.hitas are composed in verse

in an archaic language known as Vedic Sanskrit

to distinguish it from subsequent forms of the

Sanskrit language that comply with more accessible

grammatical structures.

The fourth Vedic Sa.hita, the Atharva Veda,

was accepted into the orthodox Aryan canon several

centuries later. There is no mention of it in

certain early authoritative textual sources, such

as the Laws of Manu, or the Buddhist Jatakas,

which refer to the triad of the .g, Sama, and

Yajur Vedas. The Atharva Veda is markedly different

from this triad. Although about a sixth of

its hymns are common to the .g Veda Sa.hita,

the Atharva Veda contains hundreds of original

hymns dealing with different themes, which

are often categorized as benevolent or malevolent.

Within the beneficial class are spells and

chants for the cure of illnesses, for the acquisition

and retention of fertility and virility, and

even for success in securing a lover. Within the

malevolent category are incantations and formulae

to bring harm to others. The Atharva Veda

Sa.hita reveals ancient techniques of medicinal

practice, warfare, and ritual, as well as astrological

knowledge and philosophical speculation.

Indeed, many of its prayers and accompanying

rites may derive from non-Aryan and pre-Aryan

sources, and it appears that the astrological and

medicinal concerns of the Atharva Veda priestly

lineages were initially not regarded favorably by

the Aryan priesthood. Thus the Atharva Veda

may have been initially resisted, and only included

as the fourth canonical Sa.hita later in

time. However, many of its hymns suggest an

origin as early, if not earlier, than the other three

hymn collections. Contemporary scholarly studies

are beginning to note compelling continuities

between the religious concerns voiced in the

Atharva Veda and the beliefs and practices of

Tantra, whose literature emerges more than a

thousand years later.

Vedic Deities

Of the various deities to whom hymns are addressed

in the .g Veda Sa.hita, Agni (Fire) and

Indra (God of Storms and Lightning) each receive

about 200 hymns, suggesting their high status

among the gods of the Aryan pantheon. There

are hymns to Surya (the Sun), Dyaus-pit. (God of

the Heavens), Vayu (the Wind), and Varu.a (God

Bronze mask of the deity Indra, recognized by his horizontally

positioned third-eye (National Museum, Patan, Nepal).

of the Waters), and even to Soma (a sacred plant

and the intoxicating drink prepared from it). The

pantheon of Vedic deities is mostly populated by

male gods, but there are a few hymns to such

goddesses as U.as (the Dawn), Ratri (the Night),

and P.thivi (the Earth). Scholars conjecture that

the prevalence of male deities, some of whom,

like Indra, have warrior natures, reveals a patriarchal

social structure among the Aryans. Others

suggest that since goddesses come to command

a sizeable part of Hindu worship, quite in contrast

to their representation in the Sa.hitas and other

early Aryan literature, that these feminine deities

may have figured significantly in non-Aryan worship

traditions, which progressively influenced

the dominating Aryan culture.

Through a study of the deities in the Vedic

pantheon, early influential Indologists, such as

Max Müller, speculated on the origin of religion

itself. The close relationship between the Vedic

deities and natural elements led Müller to suggest

that human beings, in awe at natural phenomena

such as the sun and lightning, and even

Contemporary lithograph of the Vedic sun god Surya,

nowadays melded with the attributes of Vi..u.

such purely abstract qualities as “brilliance,” began

to attribute anthropomorphic qualities to

these, and subsequently to envision a divine actor

behind the manifestation of these powers. So

the .g Vedic linguistic term “dyaus,” rendered by

Müller as “shining” or “radiant,” was eventually

identified with a particular deity, Dyaus-Pit.. In

fact, Müller suggested that the cognate words in

Indo-European languages, such as deva, deus,

theos, general terms for “god,” eventually became

particularized into specific gods such as

Zeus, Dyaus-Pit., and Jupiter. Thus Müller argued

it was a “disease of language” that led human

beings to mistake words originally used for

abstract principles and reify them into imagined

realities. Most scholars acknowledge the close

linguistic relationship between the names for Vedic

deities such as Dyaus-Pit. and those of the

western Indo-European gods, such as Zeus and

Jupiter, or between Varu.a and Uranus, which

suggest common socio-cultural origins. However,

theorizing on the origin of religion has fallen

out of favor in the last century, because there is

little evidence to evaluate the truth behind such

speculations.

.ta and Cosmic Order

Among the concepts encountered in Vedic literature

is .ta, which may be translated as “the

right way,” and is often rendered as “the cosmic

order.” It reveals that Aryan civilization was

aware of an overarching orderliness to the workings

of the cosmos, evident in the movement

of the heavenly bodies, the seasonal changes,

and the course of human life. One discerns a

sense of acceptance of an inexorable principle,

akin to “Fate” in its controlling power, but different

in that it was not necessarily capricious,

but orderly. .ta controlled the way plants grew,

rivers flowed, and persons developed. In time, it

becomes apparent that alignment with this cosmic

order is regarded as beneficial, while to be

in discord with it is harmful.

The concept of .ta eventually disappears from

usage, and is taken up by the term dharma.

Dharma develops into a notion of individual hu

man and social actions in relationship with the

overarching cosmic order. Dharmic action is in

accord with .ta; undharmic action is not. Religious

authorities, regarded as having intuited the

nature of this orderly “course of things,” which

was now seen as encapsulating a divine, moral

order, begin to prescribe how individuals should

behave through the course of their lives in order

to follow the way of religious righteousness.

The Brahma.as

A genre of texts next emerged that primarily

deal with the power (brahman) within the recitation

of sacred verses (mantra), and with the

ritual practices of the priestly class (brahma.a,

or Brahmin in this text, to minimize confusion).

The Brahma.as, as these texts are called, are

composed in Vedic Sanskrit prose, and extol the

virtues of sacrificial rites known as yajña. They

contain commentaries on hymns from the Vedic

Sa.hitas, and describe a variety of rituals in detail.

They also offer interpretations, and explanations

for the origins, of aspects of ritual practice.

Their interpretations often strive to demonstrate

parallels between three realms: the macrocosm,

which is the abode of the gods, the mesocosm

of society, and the microcosm of individual human

life and ritual action. Hence, the fire sticks

that are rubbed together to kindle the sacrificial

fire are equated with the sexual union between

a Vedic god and goddess, and the clarified butter

used to stoke the fire is likened to the rain,

to semen, and to the divine child produced by

their sexual union. The content of these texts,

although once dismissed as being of little merit,

are attracting renewed attention by some scholars

engaged in ritual studies.

Vedic Rituals

The term that was originally used for Vedic sacrifices

is yajña, and the patron who commissioned

such a rite is the yajamana. Nowadays, it is much

more common to hear the term homa used for

such Vedic styled rituals of offerings into the fire.

The Brahma.a literature begins to emphasize

yajña even more than the gods to whom the of

ferings are made, insinuating that it is yajña that

gives the gods their powers, or that it is because

they themselves performed yajña that the gods

gained prestige. Thus the Vedic gods are seen

as dependent on the performance of yajña, and

in turn on the ritual acts of the priests who are

capable of conducting the rites. The Vedic deity

B.haspati, regarded as the high priest, and

A Brahmin patron makes an offering of ghee in a homa

ritual as Brahmin priests chant Vedic mantras.

Vedic-styled temporary pavilion for the performance of a

yajña or homa rite.

wise spiritual preceptor to the gods themselves,

served as a divine model for the earthly members

of the priestly class, who presided at yajñas.

The performance of yajñas was deemed vital

for anyone desiring entry into heaven. Yajñas

were thought to maintain the very order of the

cosmos by providing nourishment for the gods.

The gods consumed the essence of the offerings

that were made into the fire, requiring these offerings

as their sustenance. What are left behind

are the empowering consecrated remnants of

the offered food that the gods have tasted. Although

the term “sacrifice” often conjures up the

image of the offering of animals, Vedic yajñas,

and certainly contemporary homa rites, rarely

involve offerings of flesh and blood. Milk, clarified

butter or ghee, yogurt, rice or other grains

and pulses, and even parts of sacred plants such

the datura fruit, wood-apple leaves (bilva patra),

or Soma, might be offered.

The most ancient types of yajña were rituals

performed for the benefit of the social or cosmic

good. Collectively known as srauta rites, they involved

the use of three sacred fires. The patron

(yajamana) of these rites was typically a king,

to whom particular benefits of the ritual would

accrue. However, srauta rites were supposed

to be performed in accord with the rhythms of

the natural world, for instance, during seasonal

changes, in accord with lunar cycles, or even at

junctures of the day. By commissioning priests

and staging these srauta rites, some of which

were on an exceptionally grandiose scale, the

ruler demonstrated his own largesse, secured

the harmonious workings of the cosmos, and obtained

the beneficial fruits of the sacrifice. These

fruits might include prosperity of the kingdom,

fertility of his lineage and of the land, and revitalization

of his own power.

While the earlier pattern of yajña, as suggested

in the hymns of the Vedic Sa.hitas, appeared

to reiterate events of a cosmic battle between

gods and titans, order and chaos, as exemplified

by the warrior-god Indra’s defeat of V.tra, the

Brahma.as emphasize the science of ritual itself.

The timely performance of these yajñas, with

exactitude in adhering to the system of rules

of ritual action, was eventually perceived as essential

for the proper functioning of the cosmos.

Thus human beings, through the indispensable

mediation of the Brahmin priests, were thought

to have substantial control over their world.

Yajñas that were prescribed for individuals,

which involved the use of a single sacred fire,

were known as g.hya or household rites. The

simplest of these could be performed by the

householders of the upper classes themselves. In

time, the number of prescribed rituals increased,

as did the belief that erroneous performance

could result in dangerous consequences for the

yajamana. The responsibility for the correct performance

of yajñas flowed in the direction of the

priestly classes, as did those offering materials

from the rite that were not consumed in the sacrificial

fire. It became commonly understood that

without the dak.i.a, the monetary or material

payment for services provided, even the spiritual

benefit would go to the priest(s) who performed

the rite, rather than to the patron. Dak.i.a was

regarded as the “spouse” of yajña, and an indispensable

payment to bring about the transfer of

spiritual merit from the ritualist to the patron.

Case Study: The asvamedha

One of the grandest of all srauta yajñas was the

asvamedha or horse-sacrifice. Only the most

wealthy and powerful of kings could afford to

commission this yajña since it was financially

costly and politically provocative. The ritual was

designed primarily to extend and consolidate a

king’s dominion, as well as to obtain offspring. In

the Ramaya.a, a Hindu epic of a later period, King

Dasaratha performs an asvamedha that leads to

the birth of Rama, the hero of the tale. The horse

sacrifice would begin with the selection from the

king’s stable of his finest stallion, which would

undergo a three day rite of purification and consecration.

Marked with an insignia of the king, the

stallion would then be released to roam freely for

an entire year. It would be followed by an entourage

of the king’s warriors. If the horse wandered

into a neighboring monarch’s territory it set the

stage for potential conflict. If that ruler allowed

the horse free access to his lands, he essentially

submitted to the stallion’s owner. However, if he

seized the animal for himself, he would initiate a

battle for sovereignty over his own land. If the

horse’s wandering progressed smoothly, the stallion

of the victorious emperor would return to the

capital at the end of the year.

In accord with its concerns for fertility, the

chief queen or mahisi played a central role in

the concluding rites, over which several priests

presided. The king would cleanse himself by gargling,

and shaving his beard and head. Together

with the chief queen, he would perform an all-

night vigil before a sacred fire on the night of

the new moon. The next day, the horse would

be adorned and anointed, while a variety of animals

were sacrificed. Among these was the dog,

a symbolic antagonist of the horse, and thus a

symbol of the king’s enemies. The chief officiating

priest, the horse, and the king would be

identified with the Vedic creator deity, Brahma

Prajapati. Rice, representing the stallion’s virile

semen, would also be cooked in the rite. It was

equated with the gold given by the king, who

was the patron of the rite, to the priests. Finally

the horse would be “quieted,” although its vital

breaths would be “restored.” Some scholars suggest

that this meant the animal was suffocated.

In keeping with the rite’s concerns with fertility,

the chief queen would lie beside the horse, who

symbolized the king, be covered with a cloth,

and enact a mock copulation. The horse would

subsequently be dismembered, offered into the

sacrificial fire, and portions of its flesh would be

consumed by the participants. The consumption

of the cooked rice was believed to distribute the

stallion’s virility among Prajapati, the priests, and

the king. In a description of the horse sacrifice in

a version of the Ramaya.a epic, portions of the

rice are consumed by the chief queen and king

Dasaratha’s next two chief wives, all of whom

subsequently bear children.

The performance of one hundred asvamedhas

was reputed to grant to a human ruler the throne

of Indra, king of the gods. However since the rite

took over a year to perform this was hardly possible.

There are mythic tales of gods themselves,

such as Brahma, and kings, such as Yudhi..hira

of the Mahabharata epic, having performed the

asvamedha. Several historical kings are also

known to have performed the rite. Among these

was Samudragupta of the Gupta dynasty, who

cast coins commemorating the event. In the city

of Banaras, a renowned spot (ghat) on the banks

of the river Ga.ga bears the name Dasasvamedha

Ghat, because a local royal dynasty reputedly

performed ten (dasa) asvamedhas there. A recent

performance of the rite was by Sawai Jai

Singh II, a king of Jaipur in the 18th century.

A repeating motif in Hindu sacrifice is based

on the notion that the creation is the result of the

dismemberment of the creator deity Prajapati.

By building the sacrificial altar and making offerings

into it, Prajapati, and the creation itself is

temporarily reconstituted and restored.

Case Study: The agnicayana

Another example of Vedic yajña is the agnicayana,

perhaps humanity’s oldest surviving religious

ritual. The Nambudiri Brahmin community from

the state of Kerala has maintained knowledge of

ancient Vedic traditions with little change. However,

since the agnicayana was a costly rite it

was rarely performed by them, and even if conducted,

had not been witnessed by outsiders. A

detailed study of this ritual was conducted by renowned

Indologists who commissioned the rite

in 1975. It was filmed by a visual anthropologist,

photographed, and studied, providing us with a

remarkable record of the procedure. Since the

1975 performance, a few others have been commissioned,

suggesting a revival and endurance

of this ancient rite. An elaborate 12 day ritual,

the agnicayana is typically commissioned by a

patron in order to attain vitality, offspring, or

even immortality. It requires the ministrations of

17 priests and many months of preparation. It is

performed in the fortnight between the new and

full moon in spring.

The ritual takes place in a temporary enclosure

built according to prescribed specifications

where measurements are related to various dimensions

of the human body. The ritual enclosure

is typically a thatched roof supported by

wooden posts. A stick, measuring from the toes

to the tips of the middle fingers of the patron’s

upstretched arms, raised as if in prayer, serves

as the main length against which all other measurements

are made. The ritual site is a reconstruction

of the cosmos itself, whose dimensions

are mirrored in that of the human microcosm.

One sees, in this ancient rite, early applications

of the astronomical sciences in the necessary

timings of each event, of mathematics, in its

computations and structural geometries, and of

the physical sciences in the casting of bricks, the

making of fire, and the offering of oblations. One

sees applications of culinary art in the production

of the Soma sacrifice and other oblations

into the fire, as well as sonic science in the recitation

of Vedic chants with their varied metrical

forms. The agnicayana weaves together an

elaborate tapestry, with threads of technological

knowledge transmitted from antiquity, in the

service of a vision of the world that integrates

human beings (e.g., the patron) with the broader

cosmic reality, through the agency of indispensable

priestly functionaries who are custodians of

that arcane knowledge.

The center piece of the agnicayana is an elaborate

brick altar (vedi) fashioned from over a

thousand bricks placed in five layers and laid out

in the shape of a bird. It is located in the Great

Altar (mahavedi) section of the sacred enclosure

while the other section holds the domestic altars

and fire pits. This domestic section represents

the home of the patron (yajamana) who

must preside over the ritual with his wife, who

holds a parasol to keep her partially concealed

from the view of onlookers. Only a Brahmin who

has maintained the tradition of keeping three domestic

fires burning in his household is entitled

to commission the agnicayana, the “piling up of

fire” rite.

The ritual process in summary is as follows.

On the first day of the rite, the patron and priests

enter the enclosure carrying three fires. Clay pots

are constructed, an animal sacrifice is traditionally

performed for the god Vayu (the Wind), and

fire, generated through churning a wooden shaft

in a wood receptacle, is placed in one of the pots.

The patron undergoes some purification rites and

takes a vow of silence for the duration of the ritual,

except for the utterance of various prayers. A

sacrificial pole is prepared in the domestic section,

while the dimensions and placement of the Great

Altar are laid out in their appropriate place. Construction

of the bird-shaped Great Altar begins on

the fourth day, with the second, third and fourth

layers of bricks laid on successive days. The patron

voices a prayer that each of the bricks be

transformed to cattle to enhance his wealth. The

construction of the altar reiterates the reconstitution

of the divided creator deity Prajapati. The

fifth and final layer is positioned on the eighth day.

Appropriate Vedic hymns are chanted throughout

the ritual by the priests specialized for the task.

Oblations of water and ghee are made and

one of the old domestic altars is replaced with a

new one. An animal sacrifice is performed. Continuous

rites follow from the tenth to the twelfth

day. These include the pressing of the stalks of

the sacred Soma plant to produce a hallucinatory

beverage. Hymns are chanted in honor of the

divine plant. At various points in the ritual, the

Soma is consumed by the priests and patron, or

offered into the fire. The gods, including Indra,

are invited to participate in the oblations. Eleven

more animals are sacrificed. In the 1975 enactment

of the ritual, non-animal substitutes were

used for what would typically have been goat

sacrifices. At the conclusion of the rite, the patron

and his wife take a purifying bath and don

new clothes. Another animal is sacrificed and the

ritual enclosure is set ablaze. The patron departs

with fire to install in his domestic altars which

have been rejuvenated in the process. Thereafter,

he will be expected to perform the domestic

agnihotra ritual daily, for the remainder of his life.

The agnihotra is a simple ritual to be performed

at sunrise and sunset in which offerings of rice

and ghee are made into a fire fuelled by dried

cow dung. Prayers to Surya (the Sun), Prajapati,

and Agni (Fire) are uttered during the rite.

Soma

The identity of the sacred Soma plant, and the

Soma beverage prepared from it, continues to

puzzle scholars. Vedic descriptions of its preparation

and properties suggest that it had intoxicating

and possibly even hallucinogenic capacities,

and differed from mere alcoholic beverages.

The golden-hued liquid was obtained by

pressing Soma between stones. There are over

a hundred Vedic hymns in praise of Soma, and

they tell that the gods Indra and Agni drink it in

large quantities. The mycologist R. Gordon Wasson

made a compelling case that Soma was likely

the “fly agaric” mushooom, Amanita Muscaria.

This fungus has been used by Siberian shamans

in various cultures to induce altered states of

consciousness. Recent discoveries of ephedra,

and other plant substances, in jars at sites of the

ancient Zoroastrian haoma ritual, which parallels

the Vedic Soma rite, have led other scholars

to consider that these plants might have been

Soma. However, in both India and Persia, a variety

of plants have been substituted for whatever

might have been the original Soma/haoma.

The Ara.yakas

The Ara.yakas are a loosely defined genre of

texts that bridge the concerns of the Brahma.as

and those of the Upani.ads. They are even

sometimes classified within those categories.

Thus the B.hadara.yaka, which is attached to

the Satapatha Brahma.a, is regarded as an

Upani.ad. Like the Brahma.as, the Ara.yakas,

or wilderness (ara.ya) texts, concern themselves

with sacrificial rituals of offerings into sacred

fires, and like the Upani.ads, endorse the value

of meditative practices. The Aitareya Ara.yaka

even designates itself as an Upani.ad. As their

name suggests, the Ara.yakas uphold the value

of retreating beyond the outskirts of the village

to study their teachings. In fact, their content is

held to be dangerous and to be studied in secret

while adhering to an ascetic lifestyle. As such,

they are eventually associated with the forest-

dweller (vanaprastha) stage of life prescribed by

orthodoxy. However, the concerns of the texts

may actually derive from the ritual practices of

nomadic warriors who herded cattle and dwelt

apart from village communities. The Ara.yakas

emphasize symbolic speculation on the nature

of rituals rather than exclusive attention to the

performance of the rite itself, and thus, although

they are primarily concerned with Brahma.a-like

ritual action, are clear forerunners of the speculative

spirit encountered in the Upani.ads.

The Upani.ads

The oldest Upani.ads, which may have been

composed as early as the eighth century CE, are

appended to the Ara.yakas or partially embedded

within them. There are as many as eighteen

principal Upani.ads, “principal” because they are

appended to the previously mentioned genres of

Vedic literature, namely the Vedic Sa.hitas, the

Brahma.as, and the Ara.yakas. Of these eighteen,

the B.hadara.yaka Upa.isad (attached

to the White Yajur Veda) and the Chandogya

Upani.ad (attached to the Sama Veda) are the

earliest, and composed in Vedic Sanskrit prose.

The expression Vedanta is often used when referring

to the Upani.ads and their teachings,

since they form “the end or concluding sections

(anta) of revealed Vedic literature.” Other prin

An ascetic in a deeply forested isolated meditation retreat

(Madhya Pradesh).

cipal Upani.ads include the Isa, Svetasvatara,

Kena, Ka.ha, Jabala, and Ma..ukya Upani.ads.

They appear to have been composed in subsequent

centuries, some in verse, and others in

classical Sanskrit prose. There are over a hundred

other “lesser Upani.ads,” some of which

were composed only a few hundred years ago.

These reflect the concerns of specific philosophical

schools, such as those of Sa.khya or Yoga,

or have sectarian orientations towards particular

deities, such as Siva or Vi..u.

Actually, tradition holds that any text with secret

teachings is an Upani.ad, but scholars classify

them according to their style and thematic

content. The term “upani.ad” is said to derive

from the classic image of a student sitting (.ad)

down (ni) beside (upa) a spiritual mentor. The

format of many of the Upani.ads reflects this terminology

since they are framed as conversations

between a disciple (si.ya) and teacher (guru).

Although there are considerable variations in

the content of the Upani.ads, they are generally

classified as texts of speculative philosophy, and

become a cornerstone of the Indian philosophical

tradition that subsequently develops.

The primary concern of the Upani.ads is with

the nature of Absolute Reality (Brahman), the true

nature of the individual self (atman), and the relationship

between Brahman and Atman. This focus

reflects a trend prefigured in the Ara.yakas,

to uncover an underlying principle of coherence

that unifies the apparent diversity of the created

A father acting as guru, teaches his son how to recite a

Sanskrit scripture, evoking the Upani.adic style of sitting

next to one’s teacher.

world. The B.hadara.yaka Upani.ad, which bridges

the two genres of Ara.yaka and Upani.ad, exemplifies

this in its cosmological interpretation of

the Vedic horse sacrifice (asvamedha). What is

significant is not the performance of the rite, but

an intuitive grasp of the relationships that connect

particulars from the realm of human ritual action

to the fullness of the universe. So, the Upani.adic

sage proclaims that Dawn itself, both the goddess

in Vedic myth and the natural phenomenon, is the

head of the sacrificial horse. So, too, the Sun is

the horse’s eye; the wind, his breath; the sacrificial

fire, his open mouth; the seasons, his limbs;

the stars, his bones; plants and trees, his hair,

and so on. When the horse shakes himself, there

is thunder; when he urinates, it rains; and Speech

itself is his voice (B.hadaranyaka Upani.ad I.1.1).

Thus the pantheon of Vedic deities, and their corresponding

natural phenomena, are united and

symbolically interpreted as parts of a unity. In

this case that unity is the sacrifice, again understood

as a whole, comprising both the sacrificial

offering (i.e., the horse and his faculties) and the

sacrificial fire (I.2.7). The implication is that what

appears to unskilled eyes as merely the immolation

of an animal, to those who have the insight

to recognize it, is “verily” (vai) the revelation of a

mystery. A hidden power, the veritable source of

all “selves” in creation, took up form in the particular

manifestation of the sacrificial animal. In

the act of sacrifice, the particular form of the hidden

power is released, and reunited with itself.

Those who realize this truth become one with

that power and transcend the realms of life and

death. Generally, the Upani.adic sages refer to

that unseen power, principle, or reality as Brahman

or the Self (atman).

Atman and Brahman

The word “brahman” originally referred to a hallowed

power within the sacred utterances (mantra)

of the Vedic ..is, but by the time of the Upani.ads

was used to signify ultimate reality itself. This is

not to say that the Upani.ads as a whole are consistent

in the way they depict Brahman. Vedanta

philosophy, for instance, which is rooted in interpreting

the teachings of the Upani.ads, has produced

an assortment of schools that reflect the

variations in Upani.adic depictions of the nature

of Brahman. Brahman can represent the underlying

essence of the material world. Brahman is

mostly unseen, hidden to the senses, and even

to rational thought. The Upani.ads depict Brahman

as supreme (para-brahman), and it is also

designated as Nirgu.a Brahman (Brahman beyond

attributes) and as Sagu.a Brahman (Brahman

that can be characterized).

Brahman is consistently identified as intrinsically

connected to the innermost being of all

things in existence, including our selves. Thus

the Self (atman) is often used as a synonym for

Brahman, with which it is identified. In the Katha

Upani.ad, for example, the youth Naciketas consults

the Lord of Death, Yama, on the question of

whether anything endures beyond the death of

one’s body. Yama delivers a teaching on Brahman

and Atman, pointing out that the Supreme Lord

is the innermost Self (atman) of all beings, who

although one, appears to have manifold forms.

Only the wise, who recognize the Supreme Lord

(i.e., Brahman) within themselves, attain eternal

joy (Katha Upani.ad II. ii. 12). The B.hadara.yaka

Upani.ad (I.4.10) also presents this perspective

when it points out that whoever knows “I am

Brahman” (aham brahmasmi) becomes all of reality.

Not even the gods can prevent it, for that

person is then the very Self (atman) of the gods.

However, the gods are displeased with this for

such an individual is freed from serving them.

Just as animals serve human beings, so too those

who do not know the Self, serve the gods.

In the Chandogya Upanisad (Chapter Four),

a young man named Svetaketu is instructed by

his father Uddalaka Aru.i in the knowledge that

he did not receive despite 12 years of conventional

Vedic education. Although he was proud

and arrogant, thinking himself to be well educated,

Svetaketu was surprised to discover that

he did not learn how that which is unperceived

may be perceived, and how the unknowable may

be known. Uddalaka explains to his son that just

as a close examination of a pair of nail scissors

can lead one to discover that it is actually made

of iron, discovering the underlying essence of

seemingly diverse particular things is a vital beginning.

By knowing iron, one may then know the

nature of all things made of iron, since the particular

form that it takes is simply linked to a word

that names it. Although this verbal designation

appears to give it a distinct existence, in fact it is

really still just iron. So too, when the underlying

essence of all things is known, all things that derive

from that underlying essence may be known.

That underlying essence, Uddalaka calls Being,

only one reality, without any other. All the various

manifestations of the cosmos, Uddalaka explains,

from fire to water to plant life and the myriad

creatures in existence, from a lion to a mosquito,

have their root in Being, have Being as their

abode, and Being as their support. The whole

world has this subtle essence as its Self. His father

exclaims, “That is the True. That is the Self

(atman). That is You (tat tvam asi), Svetaketu.”

Uddalaka further explains that just as rivers

appear to be different even though their source

and destination is the ocean, so too creatures

imagine themselves to be separate beings, unaware

of their true source in Being. Just as a tree

does not die when one of its branches is cut, the

Self does not die, he explains, when the body

dies. Asking Svetaketu to break apart the tiny

seed of a fig (nyagrodha) tree, Uddalaka demonstrates

that there is virtually nothing visible remaining,

and yet the majestic tree exists precisely

because of that subtle essence within the seed.

Asking Svetaketu to sip salt water from a glass

repeatedly, his father illustrates how, although

the salt is invisible, it permeates the water thoroughly.

So too, he explains, the Self is not perceived,

although it is everywhere. Uddalaka emphasizes

that finding a spiritual teacher enables

one to recognize their predicament of bondage

to ignorance until they fully realize the Self.

Sruti and Sm.ti

The four genres of Vedic literature that are appended

to each other, namely the Sa.hitas,

Brahma.as, Ara.yakas, and Upani.ads, are collectively

regarded as sruti. The term sruti, derives

from the Sanskrit verbal root “sru,” to hear. It is

intended to evoke the idea that the contents of

these texts were divinely perceived (i.e., heard)

or revealed to the ..is. Thus the authorship of

this literature is purported to be some greater

unseen power, channeled through the semi-divine

perceivers (..i) with whom their teachings

are associated. All other religious literature is

classified as sm.ti, which derives from the Sanskrit

verbal root “sm.,” to remember. Thus sm.ti

is literature that is held to have been composed

by human beings and passed down as tradition

through the generations. Sruti and sm.ti set up a

dichotomy between “revealed” and “traditional”

religious literature, granting a special status and

authority to what are loosely called the Vedas,

the Veda, or Vedic scripture.

Despite the distinction between sruti and

sm.ti, the categories are somewhat permeable.

For instance, we note that for certain orthodox

groups, only the .g, Sama, and Yajur Vedas

were originally regarded as sruti, with the

Atharva Veda only becoming a later addition to

the category. Similarly, subsequent religious literature

often strives to be included in the sacrosanct,

revealed category. The Mahabharata epic,

for instance, lays claim to being a fifth Veda,

although this claim is not taken very seriously.

However, the Bhagavad-gita, which is part of the

Mahabharata, enjoys a remarkable authority and

sanctity among contemporary Hindus, giving it

the status of sruti in all but its official designation.

Some Hindus would like to deem it an Upani.ad

to include it within the category of sruti.

And while the Brahma.as and Ara.yakas enjoy

the prestige of being sruti, their content is little

understood by most Hindus and has marginal impact

on their religious lives. The so-called “lesser

Upani.ads” could arguably be categorized as either

sruti or sm.ti. The influence and authority of

some of these “lesser Upanisads” is greater on

particular Hindu sects than the so-called “principal

Upani.ads.” An early classification scheme,

found in a Dharma Sutra text, claims that there

are both Vedic and Tantric (or Agamic) srutis.

This would appear to be reasonable, since the

Tantras and Agamas have been arguably even

more influential in the fabric of Hinduism than

the Vedas. However, orthodoxy does not accept

Agamic scripture as sruti. Thus while the conventional

designation of sruti is a telling hallmark of

orthodoxy, sm.ti literature plays no less of a role

in shaping the religious lives of Hindus.

A significant feature of sacredness relates

to whether or not a text is transmitted orally

or in writing. Although we now tend to think of

“texts” as written objects, prior to the advent of

writing texts were memorized and transmitted

orally. Sruti literature continues to be transmitted

orally because committing it to writing is regarded

as diminishing its sacredness. This does

not mean that the Vedas were never written

down. The Brahmin scholar Saya.a wrote valuable

commentaries on the Vedic Sa.hitas and

other Vedic literature in the 14th century, and

many scholars think that written versions of the

Vedas may have existed by the 3rd century BCE.

However, despite being part of the written tradition

for centuries, particular families of Brahmins

have maintained the tradition of memorizing and

reciting the Vedas. The Upani.ads were only rendered

into written Latin in the early 19th century

from 17th century Persian translations.

Other Vedic literature

By the fifth century BCE, a variety of texts had

developed that were classified as primary and

secondary appendages (a.ga) to the Vedas. The

primary appendages are called the Veda.gas

and the secondary ones are the Upa.gas. These

appendages developed as adjuncts to the knowledge

(veda) deemed necessary for the priestly

class, or were aids for the performance of priestly

duties. They are often composed in the form

of sutras (aphoristic verses). There are six categories

of Veda.gas. These are: 1) Sik.a, literally,

“instruction,” in the rules for proper pronunciation

of the Veda; 2) Vyakara.a, or “grammatical

analysis,” such as the works of Pa.ini; 3) Chandas

or “prosody,” which explain the various meters used in Vedic recitation;

4) Nirukta, or “lexicon”

of the meanings of Vedic terms, such as

that by Yak.a; 5) Jyoti.a, or “astrology”; and 6)

Kalpa, or explanations on ritual action.

The Kalpa

literature, or Kalpa Sutras, followed the divisional

scheme of the four Vedas and were appended

to them. Thus the Kalpa Sutras attached to

the Sama Veda would be studied by Sama Veda

Brahmins. Each Kalpa Sutra has four parts: 1)

Srauta Sutras, which dealt with elaborate public

rites; 2) G.hya Sutras, dealing with life cycle rites

(sa.skara) and household rituals; 3) Dharma

Sutras, on moral prescriptions for householders;

and 4) Sulva Sutras, concerning the measurement

and construction of ritual spaces, demonstrating

aspects of early mathematical sciences.

The Upa.gas are traditionally grouped as follows:

1) Pura.a, or “antiquities,” which are mythological

texts with pseudo-historical content; 2)

Nyaya, or treatises on “logic”; 3) Mima.sa, which

refers to textual interpretation or “investigation”

of the Vedas; and 4) Dharma Sastra, or the codices

on behavior regarded as appropriate and

aligned with the cosmic order (i.e., dharmic).

Astrology

Astrology has played a significant role in Hindu

life from Vedic times, when its study was regarded

as supplementary to the Vedas themselves.

The study of luminaries (jyoti.a) in the heavens

was deemed vital for determining the appropriate

times for conducting rituals. The celestial

forces are known as graha, literally “graspers,”

semi-divine forces that affect human activities.

The nine grahas or nava-graha are: Surya (the

Sun), Candra (the Moon), Ma.gala (Mars), Budha

(Mercury), Guru or B.haspati (Jupiter), Sukra (Venus),

Sani (Saturn), and Rahu and Ketu (North

and South nodes of the moon, related to the

points where the lunar orbit intersects the solar

ecliptic).

Rahu and Ketu are thus not “planets”

or even heavenly bodies like the Sun and Moon,

but astronomical points in space. When the Sun

and the Moon simultaneously fall on Rahu and

Ketu a solar or lunar eclipse occurs. This exemplifies

the grasping power of these celestial phenomena,

which periodically “swallow” the Sun or

the Moon. Like Western astrology, Hindu astrology

recognizes the same 12 signs of the Zodiac.

However, it adds a system of 24 lunar mansions

(nak.atra), which enriches the sophistication of

its interpretations.

A Hindu myth, widespread across many parts

of Asia, tells how the gods and demons cooperated

briefly to churn the ocean of milk and extract

“nectar of immortality.” The gods were the

first to drink of this nectar, but a demon disguised

himself as a god and sat among them.

Just as he sipped the nectar, the Sun and the

Moon, between whom he was seated discovered

his disguise. Vi..u immediately hurled his discus

and severed the demon in two. Unfortunately,

it was too late, for he had tasted the elixir of

immortality. His fierce, four-armed upper part is

Rahu, and his dragon-tailed lower half is Ketu.

Burning with anger and thirsting for vengeance,

Rahu and Ketu tries to devour the Sun and Moon

whenever they come near, leading to partial or

total eclipses. During eclipses, it is still a tradition

to shriek at the heavens to repel the demon

from his act of revenge.

Rahu and Ketu stand as an example that

challenges the simplistic application of scholarly

categories in the study of religious phenomena.

Hinduism is replete with such phenomena. For

one, Rahu and Ketu belong to a branch of Hinduism,

astrology, which many would not classify

as traditionally “religious.” But the grahas form a

vibrant component of Hindu religion. Many Hindu

temples have nava-graha shrines, which receive

regular attention, particularly on Tuesdays and

Saturdays. Tuesday is said to be ruled by Mars,

and Saturday by Saturn, both of which, like Rahu

and Ketu, are pernicious grahas. Offerings are

made to the grahas, and other deities may also

be worshipped to solicit their aid in warding off

inauspicious planetary influences. Auspiciousness

and inauspiciousness are weighty categories

in many spheres of Hindu belief. Astrological

considerations play an important role in determining

the appropriate periods in the year for

weddings and times in the day that are most

auspicious for the performance of religious rituals.

Astrological charts are routinely consulted

when determining whether marriageable partners

are suitable. Hindu astrology is also closely

paired with gemology, the fabrication of jewelry,

and the bodily sciences. For instance, an astrologer

might prescribe wearing a necklace made of

crystal beads or a ruby set in a silver ring placed

on a particular finger of a particular hand in order

to circumvent inauspicious influences.

Rahu and Ketu also demonstrate that jyoti.a

includes the science of astronomy, for their “positions”

are not based on visible heavenly bodies,

but on mathematical calculations grounded in astronomical

observations. Furthermore, the tales

of the demons reflects a juxtaposition of astronomical

science and mythic creativity. It is naïve

to suggest that the mythic tale of Rahu and Ketu

reflects a pre-scientific explanation of a natural

phenomenon, which should disappear with the

“real” understanding of what was “actually” occurring

during an eclipse. It is evident that the

“scientific” understanding of the phenomenon is

ancient, and coexists with its mythic exposition.

Immature studies by outsiders have often failed

to penetrate the complex layers and multiplicity

of meanings embedded in the symbols of the

Hindu tradition. It is instructive to remind ourselves

of this in our exploration of Hinduism.

Ayurveda

The traditional Hindu knowledge (veda) of life

(ayus), forms a body of literature sometimes

classified as an Upaveda, a supplement to the

Vedas. Other Upavedas include treatises on the

fine arts and music, on politics, and warcraft.

Ayurvedic medicine is still widely practiced in India

today, alongside with modern Western-styled

medicine. The three most highly regarded classical

texts of Ayurveda are the Caraka Sa.hita,

the Susruta Sa.hita, and the Vagbha.a Sa.hita,

each named after the physician-sages who codified

the teachings of ancient ..is that are believed

to have been originally transmitted from

the gods. The works themselves date from the

1st to the 7th centuries CE, but certainly are

based on medical knowledge from preceding

centuries.

Ayurveda differs from the host of other regional

and folk healing methods because it is

grounded in a complex philosophy and theory

of bodily science. Illness (roga, vyadhi) is typically

believed to be caused by an imbalance of

humors of the body. There are three humors

(tri-do.a): phlegm (kapha), bile (pitta), and wind

(vata), associated with the water, fire, and air

elements respectively. The Ayurvedic approach

to healing consists in diagnosing which of the

humors are out of balance and then prescribing

primarily herbal medicine or dietary changes

to restore the balance. The study of Ayurveda

therefore requires an understanding of the various

qualities (gu.a) inherent in substances in

the body (e.g., blood, bone, fat) and the created

world. While there are three fundamental gu.as,

there are twenty subcategories of these. The

fundamental gu.as are the sattva (pure, luminous),

rajas (energetic), and tamas (dark, heavy).

Among the subcategories are heat-producing,

cooling, slimy, and rough substances. The three

gu.as are associated with the Sa.khya school of

Indian philosophy. In its theories of matter and

atoms, Ayurveda also draws upon concepts derived

from Vaise.ika philosophy.

A person’s bodily constitution is primarily

categorized according to the do.a that is dominant,

although most people’s constitutions are

combinations of all three. Since the vata or vayu

do.a (the air/wind humor) is believed to control

breathing, expulsion of wastes, and the movement

of thoughts, an imbalance can lead to worries

and insomnia, or constipation. And because

the kapha do.a (the water/phlegm humor) is associated

with bodily fluids, an excess can produce

congestion, or laziness. The pitta dosa (the

fire/bile humor) is believed responsible for digestion;

thus imbalances can produce indigestion

and ulcers.

Internal imbalances are believed to be triggered

by external causes, and Ayurveda also

incorporates diagnoses based on pernicious

agents such as poisons (e.g., snake bites), injury,

and affliction by a wide range of spirits (bhuta),

particularly for psychological illnesses. Besides

dietary modifications, treatments include surgical

procedures, massage, fumigation, enemas,

baths and sweating. The preparation and wearing

of amulets, recitation of sacred phrases, and

the performance of special rituals are also among

its therapeutic prescriptions.

Physicians and patients who are exploring approaches

to healing beyond those conventionally

associated with modern Western medicine

have been turning to some aspects of Ayurveda.

A well-known current exemplar is Deepak Chopra,

whose teachings on psycho-physical health

combine non-dualistic Vedanta philosophical

perspectives with Ayurveda and Western medicine.

Various Indian institutions such as Banaras

Hindu University have been offering accredited

degrees in Ayurveda.

Key Points in this Chapter

The Vedic Sa.hitas are the most esteemed

literary works of the Aryans.

The Atharva Veda contains hundreds of

original hymns dealing with an assortment

of topics with differing concerns from the

other three Sa.hitas.

Some scholars speculate that most Vedic

deities are male due to an Aryan patriarchal

social structure.

Indologist Max Müller speculated on the origin

of religion. However, such speculation is

currently unpopular due to lack of evidence

to support such theorizing.

The “cosmic order” was important to Aryan

civilization, as was the degree to which all

aspects of life were aligned with it.

Sacrificial rites (yajña) were elevated in the

Brahma.as to an importance that surpassed

the gods, for it was believed that yajña itself

maintained the cosmic order.

Tradition holds that any text with secret

teachings is an Upani.ad. The Ara.yakas,

forerunners of the Upani.ads, have similar

associations with secrecy and philosophical

speculation.

The Upani.ads are concerned primarily with

the nature of Absolute Reality (Brahman),

the true nature of the individual self (atman),

and the relationship between the two.

The four genres of Vedic literature that

are appended to each other (namely, the

Sa.hitas, Brahma.as, Ara.yakas, and

Upani.ads) are regarded as sruti (divinely

revealed), whereas all other religious literature

is regarded as sm.ti (traditional).

By the fifth century BCE, texts developed

that were classified as primary and secondary

appendages (a.ga) to the Vedas, namely

the Veda.gas and the Upa.gas.

Since ancient Vedic times, astrology has

been regarded as a vital supplement to the

study of the Vedas themselves.

Ayurveda is considered supplemental to the

Vedas, and this status ensures that Ayurvedic

styles of medicine are well regarded and still

widely practiced in India today.

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